Kansas Historical Quarterly

17. Hale, Edward E., Jr., The Life and Letters o) Edward Everett Hale (Little, Brown do Co., 1917), v. I, pp. 250-254.

18. Ibid., pp. 251, 252.

19. Correspondence of Edward Everett Hale.

20. Hale Edward Everett, Kanzas and Nebraska (Phillips, Sampson & Co., Boston, 1854), pp. 18, 129.

21. The manuscript of Kanzas and Nebraska, almost in entirety, was in the collection of Massachusetts and New England Emigrant Aid Company papers sent to the Kansas State Historical Society at Topeka by the family of Edward Everett Hale, and is now on file there. The manuscript of chapters I-VII is complete with the exception of pp. 230-232 being in the book pp. 147-148. The manuscript paging for chapter IX follows a different order, being numbered b9-b18, which corresponds to pp. 219-232 of the book. Page b10 is gone, but for it is substituted a 10-page report of Eli Thayer for the committee," covering pp, 220-229 of the book. For the first 3X pages and the last fourteen of the book there is no manuscript at all.

a single day would have been impossible, the reader concludes that "August 1" is not an exact date in the second entry, but an approximate date chosen for general reference. The date of the preface, written apparently after the book itself was complete, was August 21, allowing twenty days for the composition of the book. According to Mr. Hales own computation, in a letter to his brother Charles, August 10, 1854, he spent far fewer than twenty days at the task: "I have not written to Boston this week because I was writing Kanzas at the rate of forty- three pages a day and dreaded the sight of pen and ink." [22]

     Edward E. Hale, Jr., in editing this letter, added the explanation that "Kanzas at the rate of forty-three pages a day" meant the book Kanzas and Nebraska. In the manuscript of Kanzas and Nebraska there were altogether 335 pages; all of chapter VIII, with the exception of the headings given to the different sections, was a printed copy of the Kansas and Nebraska bill. In a few other places clippings furnished the copy of quoted passages. Most of the manuscript, however, is in Mr. Hales own handwriting. At his own declared rate he should have completed the book before August 10, if the "forty-three page" days were successive days.

     But what is Kanzas and Nebraska that its author could have compiled it so fast?

     The printed title page explains in part:

     This title page apparently evolved with the book from a plan that itself took shape as the author assembled his material. The

22. Hale, Edward E., Jr., Life and Letters of Edward Everett Hale, v. I, p. 255.

first draft, as it was preserved in the manuscript, described the book thus:

KANSAS AND NEBRASKA
     The History, & Geography of These territories; with some account of the native tribes,-climate and natural production.
From original documents in possession of the
EMIGRANT AID COMPANY
and from the travels of the French Voyagers, Lewis & Clarke, Pike, Long, Fremont, Emery, Abert & Bonneville, Abert, Fremont, Emory, Abert and Others.

     Mr. Hale's idea at first of the inclusions of his study was as uncertain as the order of the names of his authorities. Here he would draw from the documents in possession of the Emigrant Aid Company, presumably of Massachusetts, but at the time he did not plan to give an account of its work. In another draft of the page, also with the manuscript, he planned an account of the "emigration now in progress" to the territories, to be "prepared with the assistance of the officers of the Emigrant Aid Company."

     The history, the geography, and the map were common to all three versions. Although the Emigrant Aid movement had recognition in each, it was not until the printed version appeared that the nature and purpose of that recognition were evident. First the Emigrant Aid Company, evidently of Massachusetts, was to allow the author use of its original documents on the territories; second, its officers were to assist; but third and finally, the author was himself to give an account, not of one company, but of the companies, and also to include directions to emigrants. The "Emigrant Aid Companies" of this last draft included, besides the company of Massachusetts, the Emigrant Aid Company of New York and Connecticut, referred to in the letters of Chas. W. Elliott to Mr. Hale, June 5 and 27 and July 5, 1854, [23] and organized July 18, 1854, [24] and to the Union Emigration Society of Washington, D. C., organized "by such members of congress and citizens generally as were opposed to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and to the opening of Nebraska and Kanzas to the introduction of slavery." [25] One of the author's last additions to his plan was presentation of the political position of the territories; and as his book progressed he

23. Vide ante footnote 19.

24. Hale, E. E., Kanzas and Nebraska, p. 230.

26. Ibid., p. 231.

no doubt found that he had consulted too many sources to give credit to all on the title page, and therefore transferred to the preface such assembled acknowledgments of authorities as he chose to make. The last form of the page omitted all mention of the native tribes, given prominent position among the first topics to be treated, yet the book itself gave ample space to their history and political position in the territories.

     Although the book consists of nine chapters, the subjects it discusses group themselves under five headings: history, geography, development, political position, and emigration. In a sense the whole book is but a history of the section opened as the territories of Kansas and Nebraska on May 30, 1854; but the first two chapters treat particularly of the earliest explorations and of the tribes of Indians dwelling there, both those called "native" and those known to have been immigrants.

     In a seven-page chapter Mr. Hale first traces briefly the discovery of the regions now under discussion; he cites the reports of Father Marquette and Father Dablon of the expedition of 1670-1673, as it appears in Shea's History of the Mississippi. The expedition of La Salle in 1681 and 1682 he reviews in the words of Father Membre and the continuation of the journey to the Canadian frontier after 1687 by six of La Salle's party, in the words of Father Douay, both also quoted in Shea's history. He analyzes the claims of La Hontan in 1689 to his discoveries along the Missouri. To the French scheme of 1717 for emigration and exploration he attributes the discovery of Kansas. From the time the French officer, M. Dutisne, reached the Osage villages, in 1719, he "was exploring the territory of Kanzas." [26] Mr. Hale fails to cite the special sources used in his account of the French expedition. The forty-three page discussion of the Indian tribes that had occupied the territories since the region was known to man gives bare facts of name, origin, history, language, habits and state of civilization. It elaborates a little more in reviewing the smaller tribes removed thither by governmental treaties. It then launches into somewhat detailed accounts of the characteristics of the tribes whose position at the time offered anything of special interest, beginning with those in the northern part of Nebraska and speaking in succession of those farther south. It gives a summary, "anything but agreeable," of their long and indolent careers of poverty and misery, and remarks that the only success of the Indian agencies

26. Ibid., p. 18.

has been in breaking up the tribe system entirely and substituting the labor and responsibilities of civilized men. It includes general estimates of the population of the tribes, and ends with a statement of the Indian lands recently opened for settlement by treaties just made with the Omahas, Ottoes and Missourias, Sacs and Foxes of the Missouri, Kickapoos, Iowas, Delawares, Weas, and Piankashaws. [27] In his preface Mr. Hale stated that the sources of this sketch of the Indian tribes were the treatise of Mr. Gallatin, the spirited sketches of Mr. Catlin, the journal of Mr. Parkman, and the notices of travelers . [28] Most of the text is a paraphrase or summary of the subject without exact references to special sources. Once, in the middle of the chapter, a three-and-one-half-page quotation of a visit to the "Ogillalah" lodges is attributed to Mr. Parkman. The long account of the Mandans, he says, is mostly digested from Mr. Catlin's narrative; [29] and he supports the contention of their possible Welsh origin by citation of Southey's preface to his poem Madoc [30] Mr. Gallatin is his chief authority on language; [31] but on the vocabulary of the Dacotahs he cites the study of the Rev. S. R. Riggs. [32] He refers to the reports of the superintendents of the missions, Mr. Johnson and Mr. Meeker, and he alludes to the opinion of three agents by name, Mr. Vaughn, Mr. Robinson, and Mr. Manypenny. Chapters III and IV discuss the geographical and physical characteristics of the two territories, the one being devoted theoretically, as the titles would indicate, to Nebraska and the other to Kansas. As matter of fact most of the first chapter does describe Nebraska, there being but one or two parts of the account that include Kansas or a part of it; but the second chapter, two and one-half times as long as the first, treats as frequently of some part of Nebraska as of Kansas and often considers the two together. Mr. Hale had never visited the region. [33] He was therefore dependent for his information upon the writings of the travelers and explorers who had; and their accounts had been made before the vast region was divided into two territories. [34] They had treated the territories as

27. Ibid., pp. 59, 80.

28. Ibid., p. V.

29. Ibid., p. 48.

30. Ibid., pp. 31, 43.

31. Ibid., p. 81.

32. Ibid., p. 48.

33. Twenty-five years later Mr. Hale visited Kansas. The Life and Letters of Edward Everett Hale, by Edward E. Hale, Jr., vol. II, p 283 includes a letter by Mr. Hale to Mrs. Hale, written from Lawrence, Kan., September 12, 1879.

34. For the boundaries of the two territories as divided by the congressional act of May 80, 1854, see the map used by Mr. Hale in Kanzas and Nebraska.

one, and he, in citing and quoting them as authorities, travels back and forth with them constantly from one territory to the other. The section of Nebraska that he treats of along with Kansas is for the most part, moreover, the section lying south of the Platte river, a section many of the features of which are similar to the features of northern Kansas. The courses of their rivers, the divides between them, the valleys along them, the elevations and the depressions, the soil and its geological formation, the vegetation and the crops, the native animals and the chances for domestic sustenance are all matters the numerous explorers had noted, and Mr. Hale uses some one's observations on every point once or several times in the course of the two chapters. In each he is lavish with quotations and almost always here he is careful to cite his authorities.

     In the chapter on Nebraska he gives credit to Lewis and Clark, Governor Stevens, Captain Bonneville as edited by Irving, Major Cross, Colonel Fremont, a nameless but "intelligent writer in the New York Tribune" of no date, the Reverend Mr. Parker, who in 1835 described the Nebraska prairie, and a nameless explorer and writer of a private letter noting the firs and pines of the upper Platte. With one exception the authorities for all borrowed material of this chapter are evident to the reader, though three of them are nameless, and the reference source of only one is cited; the exception is the unmentioned author of a one-and-three-quarter-page description of a journey into Nebraska from Council Bluffs. [35] From the paper and type of the clipping attached to the manuscript copy of the chapter the reader suspects it, too, came from the New York Tribune in which the article of the "intelligent writer" above appeared, but he cannot be positive.

     So, in the beginning of the next chapter, when Mr. Hale refers vaguely to "the writer already quoted," the reader finds himself asking "but which writer?" For the most part, however, Mr. Hale gives authority for all his material here, yet he seldom cites the exact source where he found it. Colonel Fremont is his most constant reference, and he quotes him again and again in passages from one to four pages long; of the forty-eight pages in the chapter, virtually twenty-four consist of scattered accounts from Colonel Fremont's official reports. Parkman's travels contribute a sketch of the Arkansas, near Pueblo, and a description of the basin of the Kansas. Colonel Emory is another reference on the Arkansas and on trees

35. Hale, E. E., Kanzas and Nebraska, pp. 70, 71; MS., p. 125.

in eastern Kansas. As authorities on geology Colonels Fremont and Emory share honors with a Professor James, a Prof. James Hall, Captain Stansbury, Jessup's MS. Report, and Long's Expedition, vol. I, pp. 137-139. Private letters contribute fascinating pictures, especially of the valley of the Kansas-no one called the river "the Kaw" then. Among these writers were Father Duerinck, [36] superintendent of the Catholic Mission among the Pottawatomies; a nameless person from Indiana; another nameless person, "a gentleman" who had written his impressions on July 6, 1854, and who was probably Dr. Charles Robinson; and again a nameless person, "a most intelligent gentleman who has traveled over all parts of America," who quotes entries from his diary of 1849 enroute to California, and who, from this description and from the more telltale evidence of the back of the printed clipping of his letter attached to the manuscript copy of the book, was most likely Dr. Robinson also. [37]

     Chapters III and IV that thus describe the natural features of Nebraska and Kansas are the most readable chapters in the book. They make the most complete pictures. They seem, as one lays the book aside, to have been the best written. Yet in them is little original composition, no original observation, and only the original thought necessary to link together nicely recorded impressions of other persons who have been and seen for themselves. In selection at least the author has been the artist here.

     Although on August 1, 1854, the proffered date of composition of Kanzas and Nebraska, Mr. Hale asserts there was nothing deserving the name of a town in either state, he devotes a short chapter, chapter V, to stations, military, trading, and missionary posts, and the projected cities in Nebraska and Kansas. He locates each place, gives its history, and tells something of its known purpose and use. The statements are meager but informative. Colonel Fremont is his acknowledged authority on Fort Kearney, supplemented by "the return of last autumn," the return evidently being a government report. A letter of the spring, of no given authorship, furnishes a page and one-half of quoted description of Fort Leavenworth. A government report of the winter before provides a page quotation

36. Father Duerinck, S.J. Mr. Hale refers to him as "Mr. Duerinck."

37. Hale, E. E., Kanzas and Nebraska. Back of M9. page 197; the back of the newspaper clipping bearing this letter on the front, says: The following letter copied from the Worcester Spy, are said to be from the pen of Dr. Charles Robinson, of Fitchburg, who visited the territories in 1849. It seems quite probable though of course not certain, that the letter quoted is one of this group. In the spring and early summer of 1854, Doctor Robinson was in Kansas in the interests of the Emigrant Aid Company and in 1849 he had crossed the region on his way to California.

on the development of Fort Riley. The author cites no sources for his knowledge of the other forts, the post offices, the stations (or stopping places), and the missions. Obviously they have been the letters and the reports of explorers, however, that he has had opportunity to read.

     Chapter VI is a general survey of routes of travel through the region. It is both a history and an exposition of recommendations. It reviews all the courses of all the known explorers, compares them as to nature and use, and evaluates their importance. Regarding "the territory of Kanzas, from its position," as "the great geographical center of the internal commerce of the United States," [38] Mr. Hale pronounces the emigrant track along the valley of the Nebraska and through the "South Pass" to Oregon and California and the Santa Fe trail to New Mexico the greatest; and he indicates that "it is by some modification of the one or the other that almost all the projects for a Pacific railroad propose to cross the continent." [39] He tells with care just where each route touches Kansas and suggests different approaches in each territory to the emigrant route along the Nebraska. The sources of his information are again numerous, including Gregg in his Commerce of the Prairies, Colonel Fremont, Lieutenant Emory, Captain Stansbury, and the Secretary of War. Virtually half the chapter consists of quotations, three and one-half pages being taken from the last report of the Secretary of War, the same from Lieutenant Emory, and two pages from Lieutenant Fremont and Captain Stansbury, each. Though the sources are several, Mr. Hale admits their insufficiency to help him do more than "hazard a guess" as to the greater. feasibility of one course or a part of a course over another.

     Chapter VII, which reviews the political history of the region now to be organized as territories, is the most spirited portion of the book. The opening statements suggest the vein of the author's treatment. [40]

     "Up to the summer of 1854, Kanzas and Nebraska have had no civilized residents, except the soldiers sent to keep the Indian tribes in order, the missionaries sent to convert them, the traders who bought furs of them, and those of the natives who may be considered to have attained some measure of civilization from their connection with the whites. For a region that has had so little practical connection with the political arrangements of civilized states, this immense territory has had a political history singularly varied."

38. Hale, E. E., Kanzas and Nebraska, p. 139.

39. Ibid., p. 141.

40. Ibid., p. 162.

     Mr. Hale passes over the early political history in rapid survey, devoting brief paragraphs to the sovereignty of France, of Spain, of France in turn. Purchase by the United States and subsequent division and organization occupy two more paragraphs. The expeditions of Lewis and Clark, 1804-1806, of Lieutenant Pike in 1806, and of Major Long in 1820, crowd another half page. At the beginning of the fourth page Missouri is seeking admission to the Union and Mr. Hale's creative hour is come. Visiting the copious contemporary files in the library of the Antiquarian Society for materials upon "the great Missouri debate," he steeped himself in the political lore and enthusiasm of 1818-1820, and returned to his manuscript to revive the period in spirit and in fact. He tells one story of Southern pride, another of Northern hardness. He reproduces Mr. Otis' wit. He laments the failure to preserve all speeches, especially of Clay. He cites arguments; he quotes clever addresses and equally clever replies. Seventeen pages in all he devotes to the "misery debate." The account is very readable and marks the climax of the chapter in interest.

     Mr. Hale's purpose, as he says twice, is to show how alike were the times, the questions at issue, and the arguments of 1818-1820 and 1853-1854. In his own time it has so often been said that the excitement on the question regarding slavery in Nebraska and Kansas is unparalleled; it is his purpose to show "how precisely appropriate the various speeches preserved are to the recent discussion." [41] Then and now the same type of "incidents occurred every day which showed the deep-seated excitement and irritation of the public mind at the North and at the South." [42] He sees only two important differences between the principles advocated then and those so recently upheld. First, no Southern statesman then attempted the defense of slavery as a permanent institution. Second, opponents of the extension of slavery then interpreted article I, section 9, of the constitution, to oppose emigration of slaves from state to state. [43] His review closes with quotation of the Missouri Compromise, provision for settlement of the territory north of 36 30' in the Louisiana purchase, not included in the state of Missouri.

     The chapter notes the terms of the boundary treaty with Spain, saying that inspection of the map will show that some parts of Kansas have since been added under the arrangements by which

41. Ibid., p. 170.

42. Ibid., p. 100.

43. Ibid., pp. 170, 171

the United States acquired Texas and New Mexico (if his allusion here is to his own accompanying map, the parts referred to are included but not indicated). He regards as remarkable the act of June 7, 1836, by which the triangle between the Missouri and the west line of the state of Missouri was ceded to that state, the act passing congress without any opposition, though it was a distinct violation-and the first violation-of the compromise. He makes rapid survey of government removal of Indians east of the Mississippi to the land west, supplementing the long account of the Indian tribes in chapter II. In the last seven and one-half pages he relates compactly the later history of the Nebraska bill, summarizing motions and dates from its introduction in the senate December 14, 1853, to its passage in the modified form of the Kansas and Nebraska bill May 25, 1854, and its signature by the President May 30. His own statement best explains his cursory treatment of the bill:

     "Its general character and many of its details are too familiar to readers of the present day to need repetition now, and a proper account of it for the pages of history would require more space, and a closer analysis of the motives and actions of living men, than can properly be given to such matters in this work." [44]

     Why he fails to trace the evolution of the bill is not suggested; he must have known of the proposals for territorial disposal of slavery that had occupied congress at intervals since 1820, and he probably knew of the earlier bills for organization of Nebraska that had been before congress from 1844 to February 2-March 3 of 1854. Nor was he unaware of the plans for building a railway to the Pacific-in chapter VI he had reviewed proposed routes-and in comment elsewhere [45] he indicated he realized the commercial advantages of such enterprise, even using it as argument for the settlement of lands in Kansas contiguous to the route. [46] Like many others of his contemporaries he apparently did not recognize "the commanding influence of the railway plan over the establishment of territorial government." [47] It seems a little odd now that to one of Mr. Hales discernment the political significance of this movement was not at once evident; in congress it was a dominant motive, [48] although it was, of course, kept out of the discussion nd so

44. Ibid., p. 185.

45. Hale, Edward E., Memories of a Hundred Years, v. II, pp. 116, 110.

40. Hale, Edward E., Kanzas and Nebraska, p. 237.

47. Beveridge, Albert J., Abraham Lincoln (Houghton, 1928), v. II, pp. 108-171.

48. Hodder, Frank Heywood, "The Railroad Background of the Kansas-Nebraska Act," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, v. XII, No. 1 (June, 1926).

out of common public attention. The press, however, in the East and the Middle West, made emphatic note of it from time to time. Mr. Hale was quite as concerned in providing for emigrants westward as in securing to freedom the land they should there occupy, and he recognized the importance of railroads in the development of their new communities, but neither in 1854 nor in any other year of his long life did he allude to the railway issue as a political factor in the organization of the territories of Kansas and Nebraska.

     Chapter VIII consists of an "accurate copy" of the bill itself, published here because "so few have read `the Nebraska act' of which so many have talked. " [49] The source of the accurate copy is not clear in the manuscript, where we find a printed version of the bill, exclusive of sections 19-36. In the manuscript of Kanzas and Nebraska the bill is cut apart by sections and pasted to sheets of letter paper. Apparently Mr. Hale had some trouble in procuring the bill, for on August 10 he wrote to Nathan as follows: [50]

     "I cannot get the Nebraska Act, but have a clue to that National Era which I am to have to-day. I am sick of the whole thing, and it really seems as if my hand quailed at writing."

     The "whole thing" of which he is "sick" is his task of rapid composition, evidently, and not the bill. All he wrote in this chapter were the headings he supplied for the different sections, each being labeled by the topic it treated. Sections 19-36, inclusive, treating of the organization of the territory of Kansas, were omitted, "being word for word the same as sections two to seventeen," which outlined the organization of Nebraska. The source of the printed copy of the bill in the manuscript is not available now. The print and the paper are not the print and the paper used by the National Era of 1854. The copy evidently was furnished by Nathan and is so alluded to among chapter divisions and paging notes of the manuscript, including the substitute sections of the bill quoted in chapter VII.

     In his preface Mr. Hale suggests that he included chapter IX on emigration to give such hints to emigrants as would aid them in the immediate settlement of Kanzas. [51] The chapter does give such hints, but to the later student of Kansas history it furnishes more significant matter in its review of emigration and its exposition of motive and plan of the emigrant aid companies. The belief

49. Hale, Edward E., Kanzas and Nebraska, p. IV.

60. Hale, Edward E., Jr., Life and Letters of Edward Everett Hale, v. 1, p. 255.

51. Hale, Edward E., Kanzas and Nebraska, p. IV.

commonly held almost from the first seems to have been that the companies operating in Kansas had but one or possibly two purposes. The one, that of keeping Kansas free, was popularly repeated and generally supposed to be the primary purpose. The other, that of money making, has been the suggestion of students quick to question altruism, and the implication has always been that such motive of gain was neither admitted nor legitimate. Mr. Hales treatment does not disavow either motive but presents each in a new light in relation to the general cause of emigration with which, as he understands, the very idea of slavery is incompatible.

     Occasioned equally by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise and by the need of organization of western emigration, his discussion emphasizes the advantages of Kansas as an emigrant center. He points out the natural attractions of the territory, the fertility of its soil, the nature and the value of its crops, its natural resources, its water power, its contiguity to all overland routes, and its consequent ready market; all these are greatly in its favor, but most of all is the situation that will draw across its boundaries whatever roads are built westward. Along through routes of travel emigrants ever settle and make their homes.

     Reasons for organizing emigration to this favored central territory, he says, have been two: first, to secure to Kansas a fair proportion of western emigration, to secure for the principle of "squatter sovereignty" a fair trial, and to make sure that the institutions of both territories be digested by settlers of every class; second, the need "on pure grounds of humanity" to provide for the immense pilgrimage from Europe, hitherto uncared for. Both considerations, Mr. Hale asserts, guided Mr. Thayer to seek a charter for the Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Company. The report of the committee submitted by Mr. Thayer and printed in the midst of this discussion by Mr. Hale indicates that in return for its service to emigrants, the company would have two rewards-the one in the high satisfaction of having become founders of a state; the other in sharing in "an investment which promises large returns at no distant day." [52] Since time has revealed that the investment

52. Although this report bears the signature, "Eli Thayer. for the committee," it was the work of Mr. Hale. In a letter to his father, May 11, 1854, he says: "Mr. Bullock, Mr. Thayer, and I were requested to draw up the Corporator's address to the public, which I have just now been putting in form "-In the Life and Letters of Edward Everett Hale by Edward E. Hale, Jr., v. I, p. 253. In 1897 Mr. Hale said again: "This report of the Emigrant Aid Company was drawn by myself. I had the advantage of the fullest conference with Mr. Thayer, and it is evident that I used his brief above in the preparation of the report." -Edward Everett Hale, in New England in the Colonization of Kansas, a reprint of Chapter XI of The New England States, p. 84. (The "brief" by Mr. Thayer was some hastily thrown-together suggestions. The committee to make the report consisted of Eli Thayer, Alexander H. Bullock, E. E. Hale of Worcester, Richard Hildreth and Otis Clapp of Boston.. ----- and Nebraska, p. 220.)

yielded no returns in kind, and present-day scholarship has been inclined to discredit the claim of the emigrant aid companies to a rank of importance in the founding of the state, it is interesting now to have these original avowals of purpose and frank admissions of anticipated rewards.

     Although both Mr. Hale and the committee name the securing of a fair trial for freedom in Kansas as their first motive, and place their trust in the character of Northern and of foreign emigration as their last assurance of success, each gives equal consideration to the commercial advantages, for both the emigrants and the company. Each presentation recognizes the particular needs of the great foreign emigration that neither the United States government nor any other established agency is prepared to meet. In proposing to provide for it, both Mr. Hale and the committee are guided by altruistic and business motives. Each has long desired to protect the European immigrant after his arrival, and if in the proposed plan the company makes capital of the recognized need, it is at the same time financing the undertaking itself in a way that to each seems both legitimate and praiseworthy. The material aid the companies would be able to render both northern and foreign immigrants makes up the bulk of the discussion, and the service they may incidentally render the cause of freedom in Kansas slips into secondary consideration.

     The motives had evidently borne about the same relationship to each other in Mr. Hale's mind from the first. On May 11, 1854, in writing to his father to ask him to attend the meeting of the corporators of the company on the morrow, to arrange subscriptions to stock, he had indicated his attitude. [53] "It is no mere charity scheme, but one in which business men, I think, will interest themselves . . . . They want to secure your hearty cooperation if the scheme pleases for an examination, and I think would be glad to make you President of the Company.

     "You know how it has interested me as the means of helping these Irish and German people west without suffering.

     "There are two hundred thousand of them and others going west this summer. If twenty thousand only of them go into Kansas, that is made a free state forever . . . .

     "I think I have never had anything so much at heart, and I only wish I were a business man that I might move in it openly."

     As noted before, Mr. Hale's first hope of insuring political freedom to western territories through northern immigration dated back to 1845. His proposal then for the more southern territory was not

53. Hale, Edward E., Jr., Life and Letters of Edward Everett Hale, v. I, pp, 252-253.

essentially different from the later plan for Kansas. The motive and the means were the same; the emphasis, in 1845, however, was upon the motive and in 1854 upon the means. The earlier study evolved a theory; the later offered a practicable, working plan. [54]

     As chapter IV is the most readable and chapter VII, in part, the most spirited, chapter IX is the most original, being entirely Mr. Hale's own composition. Even the ten-page report, submitted by "Eli Thayer, for the Committee," was Mr. Hale's own work. [55] The only "hints" to emigrants the chapter includes are the directions of this report. [56] A brief account of the work of the company as finally organized under private articles of corporation follows. [57] Plans for the Emigrant Aid Company of New York and Connecticut, with Eli Thayer as president, were said to be similar. The chapter outlines the work of the numerous "leagues" auxiliary to the companies, describes the nature of the service of the Union Emigration Society of Washington, and tells of the rapid and extensive emigration into the territory independent of any organization. It interprets the congressional act of 1854 to establish "the offices of surveyor-general of New Mexico, Kanzas and Nebraska." It indicates the variety of occupations people may hope to find in the territories, recommends the westward route through Alton or St. Louis, and suggests the nature of educational and religious institutions to be established by the emigrants themselves. The last section is a kind of glorification of the opportunity Kansas offers to the emigrant, both native and foreign, to work, and so is a glorification of the cause of freedom he has opportunity there to serve, ending with prophecy of victory. It is a dignified and coherent exposition of the eastern plan for settlement of the territory of Kansas.

     The frontispiece of the book is a "map of Kanzas and Nebraska from the original surveys, drawn and engraved for Hale's History. Boston. Published by Phillips, Sampson & Company, 1854." The first extant correspondence about Kanzas and Nebraska alluded

54. Writing long afterward of his interest in the annexation of Texas, Mr. Hale still had faith in the desirable effect of his theory, could it have been tried: "How certain it is that if the wave of free emigration could have been turned into Texas then, evils untold of would have been prevented. On the other hand, I am afraid it is as certain that human slavery would not have been abolished in the older states for another generation."-Hale, Edward Everett, Memories of a Hundred Years, v. II, p. 152.

55. Vide ante, footnote 52.

60. Appendix A, pp. 249-250 of Kanzas and Nebraska, consists of a copy of the constitution of the Worcester county Kansas league which supplements these directions.

57. Hale, Edward Everett, Kanzas and Nebraska, p. 229. Since the provisions of the charter did not satisfy all parties interested, the company organized under private articles of association, June 13, 1854, and functioned so until March 1855, when the New England Emigrant Aid Company received its charter and absorbed the private company. The Worcester Spy, June 14, 1854, described the association se "a private company" organized "under joint articles," the property of the company to be "vested in three trustees who shall hold the same as joint tenants, subject to all the trusts and provisions of these articles."

to the map; "we ought to have the map lithographing now," Mr. Phillips wrote Mr. Hale on July 12. [58] On August 4 the publishers addressed the author again, saying, "with this you will receive 2d proof of map." [59] The title page described the map as "an original map from the latest authorities." In the preface Mr. Hale vouched once more for its authenticity: "The map is accurate as far as may be with our present knowledge of the country. It is compiled from more than twenty of the recent surveys made by government." [60] There is no available record now as to who drew the map. Neither the original sketch from which the engraving was made and which is now preserved with the manuscript of the book, nor the reproduction in the front of the book bears any identifying mark of the artist. W. C. Sharp, of Boston, was the lithographer.

     Mr. Hale had been interested in the geography of the region prior to the compilation of the book about it. On March 22 and March 25 he had written his father and his brother Charles respectively of a good stereotyped "map of Nebraska, etc.," which had appeared in the Independent and of which the management would sell the block for two dollars. He then commissioned his brother to buy the block for his father to use in the Boston Advertiser along "with an article wwhich I am to write on the present position of the question." [61] He had no doubt the map was accurate.

     The map in The Independent was a "map of the states and territories in their relation to slavery. 1162 It was drawn by George Colton. It showed in white the states in which slavery was prohibited by fundamental law; in black lines, the states in which slavery was fully recognized; in shaded lines, the territories where the question of slavery or free soil was yet an open one. The map made a most effective visual appeal. It revealed the extent of the question more graphically than any description in words; yet the accompanying legend defining the boundaries of the territory as outlined in Douglas' second bill also made colorful portrayal of the country involved, emphasized its important geographic relation to the rest of the states, and compared the anticipated dangers of the introduction of slavery into these newly organized territories with the effects of the institution in the states where it had become fully recognized. Although the map was of general nature, it was accurate,

58. Vide ante, p. 140.

59. Letter of Phillips, Sampson & Co. to Edward Everett Hale, in the correspondence of Edward Everett Hale.

60. Hale, E. E., Kanzas and Nebraska, p. V.

61. Hale, Edward E., Jr., Life and Letters of Edward Everett Hale, v. I, pp. 250, 251.

62. The Independent, New York, March 16, 1854.Photostatic copy used.

as the legend asserted, with the exception that the southern boundary of Kansas was placed at 36%#0176; 30', whereas the second Douglas bill had fixed the line at latitude 37°.

     Just what the sources were for Mr. Hale's own map is now something of a puzzle. He preserved no record of the "more than twenty recent surveys by government." Interpretation of his phrase would seem at first to depend upon the qualifying "recent." The surveys that were most deserving of the attribute, however, those authorized by congress in the amendment to the army appropriation bill for 1853-1854 as additional sections 10 and 11, [63] were not begun until the spring of 1853, and were not fully reported upon and officially published until 1855. [64] First instructions to the leaders of each of the four expeditions conducting these surveys called for reports to be laid before congress the first Monday of February, 1854. Complete reports of all four surveys were delayed, but Gov. I. I. Stevens, exploring the route near the forty-seventh and forty-ninth parallels, Capt. A. W. Whipple, the route near the thirty-fifth parallel, and Lieut. R. S. Williamson, the route near the Sierra Nevada and Coast. range, all made preliminary reports that were published in house document 129, 33d congress, first session. These copies of the preliminary reports, however, issued in 1854, probably appeared too late for Mr. Hale's topographer to have used them in published form. [65] They must have been available to him, [66] nevertheless, else he could not have included in his map, as he does, the entire line of the Stevens survey for a Pacific railroad route, 1853. The Secretary of War, Jefferson Davis, had himself made a review of the undertakings in a senate document, December 1, 1853; [67] but his account was brief and general, giving a sketch of the country to be explored, evaluating information already obtained to determine the routes to follow, and noting the instructions to each officer in charge of an expedition. It gave none of the results, though, of the surveys, but

63. Congressional Globe, 32 Cong., 2 sess., 1852-1853, pp. 798, 799.

64. Pacific Railroad Reports, Senate Exec. Docs., 33 Cong., 2 sess., No. 78, vols. I-XII.

65. The title page of the four volumes of this document bears the publication date of 1854. In the text of volume I, however, appears a letter bearing the date of February 27, 1855, indicating the volumes were not ready for circulation until 1855, too late to have been used for the Hale book.

66. The National Intelligencer for Monday, February 6, 1854, noted in the senate proceedings of the day that "the president of the senate laid before the body a communication from the Secretary of war transmitting copies of all reports of engineers and other persons employed . . to ascertain the most practicable and economical route for a railroad from the Mississippi river to the Pacific ocean, which was ordered to be printed and referred to a select committee." In brackets there followed an explanation, evidently from the communication itself, of the incomplete and partial nature of the reports and the consequent impossibility of judging the relative merits of the different routes. This form of the report may have been accessible to Mr. Hale and his topographer.

67. Senate Documents, 33 Cong., 1 sess., pt. II, pp. 16-28.

with it Mr. Hale was familiar, for in his text he quotes verbatim two passages of the report" and elsewhere notes the order of the Secretary of War to Captain Gunnison to explore the region of Colonel Fremont's expedition of 1848-1849.69 In April of 1854 Governor Stevens was in Washington to make his report in person to the Secretary of War. [70] The information of that report Mr. Hale's topographer must have seen, but how is not now clear.

     If the adjective "recent" be given loose interpretation, and if the topographer had access to the official government files in Washington, he could have consulted "more than twenty surveys" in making the map for Kanzas and Nebraska. In the period the territory had been known to white men, there had been a few more than twenty official surveys. In a Memoir to accompany the map of the territory of the United States from the Mississippi river to the Pacific ocean, Lieut. Gouverneur K. Warren, of the Corps of Topographical Engineers, U. S. A., in 1859, made "a brief account of each of the exploring expeditions since A. D. 1800," with a description of accompanying maps when maps were made. [71] Study of the memoir reveals the possible sources used. Since from the first of these explorers Mr. Hale draws subject matter for his discussion, it seems not at all unlikely that his topographer drew from them, too, or at least consulted them, in making the map. Indeed he must needs have seen not only the first map but well-nigh all the other maps between it and his own to have had a total of "more than twenty" government surveys for authority.

     The Memoir compiled by Lieutenant Warren was not published until 1859. On March 1, 1858, however, in the preface, the author tells that his "work has been in progress during the past four years," so that it is possible the maker of the Hale map had the benefit of some of Lieutenant Warren's criticisms of the different maps. In his preface Lieutenant Warren pointed out that "the maps used in the compilation have been mostly made from reconnaissances, and but few possess very great accuracy. The geographical positions are therefore rarely determined absolutely, or even relatively, with certainty, and new surveys are constantly making slight changes

68. Pages 17-18 of Secretary Davis' report, Senate Documents, 88 Cong., 1 sess. part II, appears in Mr. Hale's Kanzas and Nebraska as pp. 142-145.

69. Cf. Secretary Davis' report above, p. 20, and Mr. Hale's Kanzas and Nebraska, p. 151.

70. Albright, George Leslie, Official Explorations /or Pacific Railroad, 1853-1855 (University of California Press, Berkeley, 1921), p. 78.

71. Warren, Lieut. Gouverneur K., Memoir, to accompany the map of the territory of the United States from the Mississippi river to the Pacific ocean to accompany the reports of explorations and surveys for a railroad route, War Department, 1859.

necessary." [72] In the text he pointed out the mistaken trends of mountain ranges and river sources in the map of Lewis and Clark; the elementary but basic principles of topography and hydrography of Humboldt's map of Spain; incorrect river sources and singular representations of mountains in Rector's and Roberdeau's map, described, nevertheless, as "the most correct map of the country now extant"; the confusion of the Canadian and the Red river and the first right representation of the Black Hills of Nebraska as a north and south range by Major Long; the elaborateness but lack of topographical skill in the work of J. C. Brown; the correct representation of the hydrography of the region west of the Rocky Mountains, although the geographical positions are not accurate, in the maps of Captain Bonneville; the wrong location of the union of the Cimarron river with the Arkansas near Fort Atkinson, in the map of Lieutenant Steen; the representation of New Orleans and St. Louis as both being in longitude 90° 25', in the topographical bureau map by W. Hood; the value of the survey of C. Dimmick between Old Fort Scott and Fort Smith, never replaced to date; the erroneous listing of the Bitter Root as a source of the Salmon river, in the map of Captain Hood; the use of the barometer to determine the elevation of interior country by Mr. Nicollet, making his map "one of the greatest contributions . . . to American geography"; the usefulness of the map in Gregg's Commerce of the Prairies; the value to travelers in spite of its inaccurate geographical positions, of the map by Charles Preuss in 1846 of the Fremont route from Missouri to Oregon, 1843-1844; the tracing in the map of Captain Pope of a tributary of the Arkansas, probably the Big Sandy, to the source formerly attributed to the Smoky Hill Fork; the similarity of the routes of Messrs. Beale and Heap, Captain Gunnison, and Colonel Fremont (1853-1854) ; and the availability to J. R. Bartlett of the observations of the United States and Mexican Boundary Commission in the making of his map of 1850-1853.

     Any or all of this criticism may have been available to the maker of the Hale map; the points of it, at least, for the most part the maker heeded. The Black Hills in the map are a north and south range; the Big Sandy is a tributary of the Arkansas, and the Cimarron joins the Arkansas east and south of Fort Atkinson. Although the map shows only the Fremont route for a Pacific railroad, the text discusses the mountain passes explored by Colonel Fremont

72. Ibid., preface.

and Captain Gunnison and describes the recommendation of each. [73] The portion of southwestern Kansas bounded on the east by 100° west longitude, on the south by 37° north latitude to the 103d meridian, thence west to the Rocky Mountain range by about 38° north latitude, on the west by the Rocky Mountain range, and on the north by the south bank of the Arkansas, the Hale map places within the boundary of Kansas in accordance with the findings of the United States and Mexican boundary commission and the terms of acquisition of Texas and New Mexico.

     The reason for the inclusion of the Fremont route for a Pacific railroad instead of the Gunnison and for labeling it the Fremont route was probably the availability of some accounts of the Fremont expedition. On June 13, 1854, Colonel Fremont wrote a letter to the editors of The National Intelligencer "communicating some general results of his recent winter expedition across the Rocky Mountains for the survey of a route for a railroad to the Pacific."74 This report he offered in anticipation of a fuller report with maps and illustrations which it would necessarily require some months to prepare. The eastern part of this route extended from the mouth of the Kansas river on the Missouri frontier to the valley of Parowan at the foot of the Wahsatch mountains, between latitudes 38° and 39°. Having been over this route from Sierra Blanca to the Missouri frontier four times before, he summarized the features and connected the expedition with the route explored in 1848-1849 from the mouth of the Kansas river to the valley of San Luis. From the Sierra Blanca to the Grand river the -routes of Colonel Fremont and Captain Gunnison were nearly identical; from the latter point Colonel Fremont, in 1853 and 1854, continued farther south. [75] The map of the official explorations for Pacific railroads by George Leslie Albright shows that the Fremont route from Fort Riley to the Fremont route pass, south and a little west of Pueblo, was almost the same as that of Gunnison in 1853, from Fort Riley, through Bent's Fort to Fort Massachusetts. [76] Mr. Albright also traces the history of Colonel Fremont's different explorations of the railroad route. [77] The third Fremont expedition, he says, was, according to Thwaites in his Rocky

73. Hale, Edward Everett, Kanzas and Nebraska, pp. 151 152. The findings of Captain Gunnison were evidently known in detail to Mr. Hale, although he notes the fact that Lieutenant Beckwith's report of the expedition had not been published.

74. This letter was reprinted as Miscellaneous House Document, No. 8, 33 Cong., 2 sess. (1855.)

75. Warren, Lieut. Gouverneur K., Memoir, p. 75.

78. Albright, George Leslie, Official Explorations for Pacific Railroads.

77. Ibid., p. 89, footnote.

Mountain Explorations, page 239, for the purpose of finding the shortest and best route for a railroad to San Francisco Bay; if it was for such purpose, Mr. Albright adds, it was under the private instructions of his father-in-law, Senator Benton. His fourth expedition, 1848-1849, primarily for the exploration of a central route, and also without government support, had failed in the San Juan mountains in Colorado. After the government surveys were ordered in 1853, Fremont in August, with funds of his own and Senator Benton's, planned a fifth expedition to complete the objects of the former. Mrs. Fremont, in her Memoir XV, says it had been intended her husband should lead one of the government surveys of 1853, but as no name appeared in the bill, the Secretary of War appointed Gunnison. Some of the Fremont reports were given government publication. [78] On the fifth expedition F. W. Egloffstein was the topographer as far as the Mormon settlement. [79] Because of this government aid and government recognition given the Fremont explorations, they no doubt seemed themselves to be official, and were so regarded by Mr. Hale and his topographer.

     In spite of its dependence upon the numerous authoritative sources, the Hale map, which is itself merely an outline map, has many inaccuracies, owing in part at least to the inaccuracies of the sources. The most conspicuous are the courses of the mountain ranges. From 45° north latitude the entire Rocky range follows a slightly northeastern course; only the chief range is indicated, and it is confined to 112°-111° longitude instead of being shown from 118°-110° as it should be. Fremont's Peak, located almost rightly near parallel 43° and meridian 110°, is placed in the main range instead of in the Wind River mountains where it belongs, the main range here being given too northwesterly a line; and the Wind River mountains, which are a northwesterly range parallel with the main range between latitudes 42°-44° in longitude 109°-110°, are on this map a west and east to northeasterly range between latitudes 43° and 44° in longitude 104°-109°, being confused apparently with the Sweetwater range. Although the Black Hills follow a north and south line, they extend from about latitude 44° to 54°, whereas they are a short range reaching from about latitude 44° to 45° 30'. The

78. The expedition of 1842 appeared as Senate Document, No. 245, 27 Cong., 3 sess,; the second, as Senate Document, No. 174, 28 Cong., 2 sess.; the third, as Miscellaneous Senate Document, No. 148 30 Cong., 1 sess.; the map of Charles Preuss, 1848, of this third Frémont expedition from Missouri to Oregon, as House Committee Report, No. 145, 30 Cong., 2 sess.; the fifth as represented in footnote 74, and the fourth was connected with the fifth.

79. Mr. Egloffstein joined Lieutenant Beckwith in 1864 to aid in his explorations along latitude 41°.

topography of the rest of this northwestern region that in 1854 was a part of the Nebraska territory, is even more uncertain. No others of the numerous mountain ranges are represented on the map at all.

     The rivers follow curious courses. The Big Horn, which is given approximately correct headwaters in the Wind River mountains, is made the chief source of the Yellowstone river on the map; and the Wind river, which is now known to flow in a southeasterly course into the Big Horn, follows, on the map, a northeasterly course into the Little Big Horn. The headwaters of the Missouri are in north latitude 44° and 45°, longitude 109° to 112°, instead of latitude 45° and 46°, longitude 111° to 114°; and Great Falls is in latitude 48° and longitude 110°, whereas it belongs in latitude 47° 30' and longitude 111° 30'. The union, however, of the Yellowstone and the Milk river with the Missouri is approximately right. The Bitter Root river is not named on the Hale map and perhaps not shown, but the Salmon river to the west of the mountain range is made to abut the range on the west directly west of an unnamed river abutting it on the east so that it seems probable the Hale map followed here the erroneous idea of Captain Hood that the Bitter Root was a source of the Salmon.

     In southeastern Nebraska and in Kansas geographical positions are much more accurate on the Hale map. Rivers and forts are about the only markings. The more important rivers have about the same headwaters and the same courses as in modern maps. A few exceptions are noticeable. The Little Nemaha, which follows a course markedly southeasterly, and the Great Nemaha, which after the union of its two forks is also southeasterly, follow on the Hale map courses almost due east. Although in the text, in a passage quoted from an unnamed source, [80] "the Republican and the Smoky Hill forks are said to take their rise in the Rocky Mountains and unite to form the Kanzas river in almost latitude 39° and longitude 96°," the map reveals the rise of each in the plains east of the mountain range and the union in latitude 39° and longitude 97°. The Arkansas, which crosses the southern line of the state just east of longitude 97° crosses on the Hale Map, at a point just west of 96°. The Cimarron, which unites with the Arkansas in latitude 36°, longitude 96° 15', unites, on the Hale map, in latitude 38°, longitude 97° 30'. This point, although 200 miles east of Fort Atkinson, may be the union marked in the map of Lieutenant Steen and noted by

80. Hale, Edward Everett, Kanzas and Nebraska, p. 88.

Lieutenant Warren as wrong. The right location of the union is more nearly 300 miles southeast of the fort.

     Mr. Hale was probably more aware of the meagerness of his map than of its inaccuracies. In interpreting the rights of settlers he alluded to the law providing for the survey of Kansas and Nebraska that had passed congress late in the session of 1854 but which would "scarcely begin before late in the fall of 1854."81 That survey, had it already been made and its results been available, would have enabled him to locate on his map some of the places and streams he talked about but did not represent Elm Grove, Council Grove, Walnut Creek post office, Big Timbers, Great Bend, Wolf river, the Little Blue, Grand Island, Bijou, the Vermillion, and the various Indian missions. One other provision of the map, that of leaving five inches of blank paper on the end bound in the book, making the entire map visible when open, no matter at what page the book itself may be open, is the most convenient feature of the map.

     A point of relatively small importance but of considerable interest to Mr. Hale in the publication of his book was his chosen spelling of Kanzas. The first allusion to it occurs in a letter to his brother Charles, without exact date, but belonging to the early summer of 1854: [82]

     "We have canvassed that and still spell it with a `z.' I think you will find that the territory of Arkansaw was organized under that spelling, but the public changed the matter before it was a State"

     On August 18 Mr. Hale wrote his brother Charles on the matter a second time. [83]

     "I will write an article explaining why I spell Kanzas with a z. Will you print it and give a general order to spell so. I will make the Register, and I think the Tribune; my book will spell so, and, I hope the Emigrant Company. I hope it is not too late to change it, or rather to settle it:"

     In the preface to Kanzas and Nebraska Mr. Hale explains his choice as a matter of accuracy. [84]

     "In that view I have held to the spelling of Kanzas, of most of the travelers and of the Indiana department, in preference to Kansas, the more fashionable spelling of a few weeks past. There is no doubt that the z best expresses the sound, that it has been almost universally used till lately, and that it is still used by those moat familiar with the tribe and the river which have, time immemorial, borne this name. Kanzas, too, will soon be a state. Its name then will, at best, too much resemble the name of Arkansas, which was,

81. Ibid., pp. 236, 288.

82. Hale, Edward E., Jr., Life and Letters of Edward Everett Hale, v. I, p. 254.

83. Ibid., p. 280. 84. Hale, Edward Everett, Kanzas and Nebraska, p. V.

in fact, derived from it. [85] To keep them by one letter more apart is to gain something."

     In the text, discussing the Indians in the territory, Mr. Hale tells more of the origin of the different forms of the name. [86]

     "Around the forks of the Kanzas river, is the hunting ground of the Kanzas tribe, from whom this river and territory have their names. This name is spelled by different writers in many different ways. Cansas, Conzas, Konsas, Kansas, and Kanzas, are the most frequent."

     Mr. Hale's reasoning was sound enough, but the public did not accept and follow his chosen spelling at all generally. By late autumn he felt it necessary to secure aid if he would establish his chosen way as custom. To G. W. Brown he wrote both of the tendency of the day and in fuller explanation of his own usage: [87]

     "I hope I am not too late to beg you to turn a cold shoulder on the careless fashion of spelling Kanzas with an a after the n, which I see is coming into vogue. It is all wrong. A Boston paper to-day says that Kanzas is an abbreviation of Arkansas. This is preposterous. Let us take for our new state high ground from the very beginning, as it is the true ground. The Arkansas Indiana broke off from the Kanzas Indians but a few years before the French first explored the valley of the Mississippi. They enlarged our name. We never took theirs nor the fag end of it. Kanzas has an antiquity and may as well claim it.

     "The earliest history of Louisiana, in French, spells the name Canchez--giving the sound in question the very hardest sound of which the French language is capable."

     Before Mr. Brown published the letter in the Herald of Freedom, January 6, 1855, he had written "Friend Hale" on December 27, 1854, of the already accepted western spelling with the K. [88]

     "I regret that I had not received your letter in time for publication, [89] but it now is quite unseasonable.

     "The spelling of Kansas seems to have become almost established by usage, and I think it would be impossible in the West to change it now. All the papers in the territory, with the many along the border to which my attention has been called, are in the habit of spelling it with an s. Congress sent out the bill in the same form, and for me to attempt a change-although convinced of the force of your argument would seem wholly impracticable. I shall give the public the benefit of your ideas on this matter."

     When on January 6, in the first issue of his paper thereafter, Mr. Brown did give the public opportunity to read Mr. Hale's views, he added his own editorial comment.

85. Ibid., p 57: "The Arkansaw Indiana, an offshoot from the Kanzas, struck the French as such fine men, that they called them `les Beaux Hommes,' supposing that to be the meaning of their name."

88. Ibid., p. 52.

87. Herald of Freedom, Lawrence, January 8, 1855.

88. In correspondence of Edward Everett Hale among the official papers of the Emigrant Aid Company.

89. In an earlier issue of the Herald of Freedom.

     "The argument of our friend sustains his position as to the spelling of Kansas; and yet the popular will has charge of the matter so fully that it appears to be beyond the power of the literati to change the result. Congress in the enrollment of our territorial bill, set an example which has been followed by the different heads of departments, and the newspaper press-with very rare exceptions-in all parts of the country. The five presses in the territory are also with the majority, and the orthography of Kansas at this time seems as firmly established as that of any state in the Union."

     So apparently it was, although a few eastern publications continued to spell the name with a z into 1856. The Quarterly Journal of the American Unitarian Association abandoned it after the annual report of the treasurer, May 27, 1856. The Boston Transcript and the Daily Chronicle used it into the summer and the Springfield Republican continued it into the fall. Many of the contemporary publishers, even when writing of Kanzas and Nebraska, referred to it always as Kansas and Nebraska. Mr. Hale himself had some difficulty in remembering to use his preferred spelling in the book, as the manuscript reveals. Frequently he had to change the s to a z; the first two drafts of the title page even read Kansas and Nebraska. To the modern casual reader the spelling of the name is the most noticeable and most memorable feature of the book.

     Such in summary-review is Kanzas and Nebraska that its author compiled at the rate of forty-three pages a day. His son described it, in 1917, as "little more than a compilation;" [90] and to the modern reader so indeed it seems and is; a compilation, moreover, in which some of the signs of haste are obvious. Attached to the book, for instance, in a separate Appendix B, is a six-page description of the valleys of Smoky Hill and the Kansas rivers in the form of a letter from George S. Park, published by the Emigrant Aid Company too late to be given a place in the text. Its full subject matter would have been an addition to the text, chapter IV, on the geography of Kansas, but it would have been somewhat out of proportion even to the other long quotations already incorporated in the text. More deliberate preparation of the manuscript would have permitted a digest or summary treatment of the substance. All the way through the text as it stands there is too continuous dependence upon quotation as it is, too little of the author's own explanation in proportion.

     Comparison of the printed pages with the manuscript reveals more evidences of haste. Written for the most part in Mr. Hales own clear and meticulous script, on letter paper of two sizes, it was, nevertheless, clean, easily read copy for the printers to follow. Evi-

90. Hale, Edward E., Jr., The Life and Letter of Edward Everett Hale, p. 258.

dently, though, it was his first copy and the changes he had found necessary were made on the manuscript there. Pages 17 and 18, for instance, of the manuscript, page 17 of the book, were crossed out, and rewritten as they now appear in the printed text. All of page 14 of the manuscript, page 11 of the book, was scratched out and rewritten on the back of the same sheet. Now and then additional passages or whole paragraphs were written on the backs of sheets and marked for insertion in the text; such passages are found in the manuscript, page 241, and in the book as the last paragraph of page 152; in the manuscript, page 288, and in the book the middle paragraph of page 183. Sometimes longer extra insertions were marked by half numbers, as 114-1/2, 123-1/2, 125-1/2, 126-1/2, 185-1/2, and 220-1/2, to care for additional material; corresponding to these numbers in order are the following book pages where they belong: 60, 66-67, 70-71, 72, 117-118, and 180. Manuscript page 178 carried an insertion of six pages numbered A1 to A6, covering pages 106-109 of the book. The manuscript is written on one side of the sheet only, with three exceptions: page 274 of the manuscript is found on the back of page 273, 279 on the back of 278, and 283 on the back of 282. These passages, appearing in the printed book, from page 174 through 180, belong in the chapter on political history and consist of quotations and Mr. Hale's own summaries of political happenings.

     Extensive changes in the printed book from the manuscript readings are few. The chief occurs toward the end of chapter II, where in the manuscript in a different handwriting, with the initials "N. H. Jr." attached, three footnotes are supplied. In the manuscript these appear on pages 96, 108, and 114-1/2-115, corresponding to pages 50, 56, and 60 of the book respectively. The initials are evidently those of Nathan Hale, an older brother of Edward Everett Hale, who probably read proof and who procured for his brother the copy of the Kansas- Nebraska bill used in chapter VIII. The book retains only the footnote of "N. H. Jr." on page 56-"as this book is passing through the press, it is understood that these treaties have been ratified"-but it omits his personal notation, "Here I inserted footnote. N. H. Jr." Page 115 of the manuscript ends, "It is probable that these treaties will be ratified before this book is published." Attached is a footnote by Mr. Hale himself which reads, "Here I said, in text, `it is understood that these treaties were ratified by the senate at the close of the session just finished, although the official promulgation had not been made when this sheet was prepared for publication."' This note, in different-colored ink, was probably

added to the manuscript long after the book was printed, for on page 60, where the passage occurs, there is no footnote in either Mr. Hales or his brother's writing. Incorporated in the printed text, however, without any explanation at all, is all of the sentence above beginning with "It is understood . . . ." The statement, thus couched as the proof was read, became the new conclusion of chapter II.

     Occasionally there were changes in sentence construction. In the manuscript of the preface, sentence 2 of paragraph 5 embraced by use of participial phrases what now appears in three sentences. In the manuscript, page 90, there was a penciled insertion of "Missouri" at the end of a sentence which in the book, page 51, line 5, became "and west of the Missouri." A sentence on manuscript pages 126-126 -1/2 reading, "The French name La Platte was given it to designate its French name, La Platte, from its great width," was corrected and shortened in the book, page 72, line 6, to "The French name La Platte designates its great width." The clause, "so immense is the extent of the prairie country," of the manuscript, page 128, became in the book, page 73, "so immense is the prairie country."

     Usually the differences between the manuscript and the book readings were briefer and less troublesome, but they were sufficient in number to have added to the bill for author's corrections: