Kansas Historical Quarterly
Disorganizing Effects of the Mexican War on the Santa Fé Trade
by Lewis E. Atherton
May, 1937 (vol. 6, no. 2 1937, pages 115 to 123
Transcribed by lhn; digitized with permission of
the Kansas State Historical Society.
THE Santa Fé trade was among the safer
occupations followed by residents of the West. Violence was not unknown, however,
and the use of military escorts attests the dangers frequently arising to
confront these engaging in the trade. Troubles were intensified for the Santa
Fé merchants during the years 1846 to 1848, a period which saw the United
States and Mexico engaged in war. Normally such a status ends all trade between
the warring countries, but, in spite of the dangers involved, American goods
continued to reach Santa Fé markets during the struggle.
The disastrous expedition of Samuel Owens and James
Aull to Santa Fé in 1846 illustrates in many ways the obstacles created by
the war time conditions. No claim is made that the experiences of these two
traders were typical in all respects of the problems encountered by merchants
during the war. Some merchants disposed of their goods in less time than did
Owen, and Aull, some escaped the necessity of serving in the army, and other
merchants were spared their violent deaths. In general, however, the problems of
this one firm were the problems of all other merchants involved. When the story
of Owens and Aull departs from the usual run of experience it is generally in the
direction of greater troubles than those faced by the average trader. Their
difficulties, therefore, serve to illustrate how the Mexican War increased the
possibilities of trouble for those engaged in the Santa Fé trade.
The troubles encountered by Owens and Aull cannot be
charged to personal failings or inexperience. These men had been merchants in
western Missouri for a number of years. From 1831 to 1838, James Aull headed the
firm of "James and Robert Aull," a company with stores at Lexington, Liberty.
Richmond and Independence, Mo. [1] In this capacity he traveled widely, making
yearly trips to the Atlantic seaboard to purchase goods and occasional trips to
New Orleans for groceries. Trappers, government forts, Indian mission, and Santa
Fé traders were among his customers, giving hum a wide acquaintance with
frontier life. In the early 1830's he invested in Missouri river steamboats,
opened a rope walk at Liberty, Mo., and built his own flour mill. But in 1836 an
increasing load of debt caused the dissolution of the firm, and for the next ten
years Aull devoted his time to the operation of the store at Lexington.
To a man so recently in the very center of things
the new arrangement must have been dull, for Lexington was rapidly losing its
favored position in western trade to Independence. The records of Aull's business
during this period are fragmentary, and it is impossible to estimate the decline
in the volume of his trade. [2] The one ,store, however, could not reach the
trade area formerly served by the chain, and this, coupled with the decline of
Lexington in the Santa Fé trade, limited his business activities to a
relatively small field. Under these circumstances it was only natural fur his
interest to turn to the direct trade with Santa Fé an enterprise with
which he was well acquainted. In the 1830's, while Lexington still had hopes of
competing with Independence, Aull had sold goods to the traders annually. In 1832
he sent his own agent to Santa be with a supply of merchandise. His primary
reason for no( personally continuing in the trade after that time came from the
difficulty he experienced in disposing of goods in Santa Fé in time to
meet his credit obligations in the East. [3] Thus his mercantile experience and
his knowledge of the Santa Fé trade, gained over a period of years, were
sufficiently great to give him every prospect of success in the venture he was
undertaking.
The dissolution of the Aull chain of stores in 1836
resulted in the formation of a partnership between a younger brother, Robert
Aull, and Samuel Owens, to continue the business at Independence. Owens was It
self-made /non, having started out as .James' "head man" at Independence when the
chain was formed. Through the years he had gradually added to his wealth and
position as a business man. In 1844 he purchased Robert's interest and became the
sole proprietor of the store at that place. By that time he had become known in
the Santa Fé trade, having the reputation of being a kind and liberal man
who would "furnish wagons, teams, provisions, and general outfit for credit" to
those engaging in the trade to the southwest. [4] Thus as to Independence
merchant Owens nat-
ATHERTON: MEXICAN WAR AND Santa Fé TRADE
117
urally became interested in the Santa Fé trade, and found a ready
partner in his former employer who saw in flue Mexican trade an opportunity to
enter once more the main current of western commerce. As a result, the two men
formed a partnership and set out for Santa Fé in the spring of 1846 with a
$70,000 stock of goods.
They could hardly have chosen a less propitious
time. Mexican animosity towards the United States had increased as a result of
the annexation of Texas; rumors of war had become increasingly current, and this
would mean that the entry ports for goods in the Santa Fé trade would in
all likelihood be blockaded. IF war developed the merchant would find himself in
enemy territory, his goods a free prize to a population willing to pay a high
price for American products in more peaceful times. To forestall such a
contingency, one group of traders left Independence early in May, 1846, and by
rapid travel reached Santa Fé in forty-five days. Trouble developed,
however, when they journeyed south to Chihuahua, the trad#t era being held
prisoners for a time before being allowed to start the sale of their goods. Men
of English, German, and French nationality received preferred treatment, and at
least one American trader was reduced to the necessity of traveling as assistant
wagonmaster under a Prussian Jew, [5] and with his goods under the man's
protection
The group of traders, of which Owens and Aull were
members did not leave Independence until the latter part of May. They had
traveled only three hundred miles when they were overtaken by a detail from S. W.
Kearny's command mad required to wait at the Pawnee Fork until the main body of
troops arrived. The remainder of the journey was then made in the rear of the
American troops, with progress so slow that Santa Fé was not reached until
August. A peaceful commercial undertaking had thus become involved in the Mexican
War, valuable time had been lost, and the matter of disposing of the goods had
been plunged into the greatest uncertainty. War Department orders to Kearny to
detain the traders were based on the belief that the merchandise would be
confiscated in Santa Fé if military protection were not provided. Military
authorities thought the least the traders could have expected, had they been
allowed to proceed without protection, was detention in Santa Fé. In each
a contingency the Mexican merchants would have preceded the Americans to the
southern markets, and placed
118 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
them at a disadvantage in the disposal of their wares. [6] The merchants
involved did not concur in these views, but found it impossible to alter the
course of events.
Kearney's protection ended in Santa Fé, and
the traders then set nut for the markets of Chihuahua. The caravan camped for two
weeks near the ruins of Valverde. however, in the hopes of obtaining news of
conditions to the south. There they were overtaken by a detachment of Col. A. W.
Doniphan's regiment of Missouri volunteers, under the command of Captain Walton,
and were required to wait until Colonel Doniphan arrived. [7] The period at
Valverde preceding the arrival of the troops teas not a pleasant one, rumors of a
Mexican attack keeping the group in at state of alarm. The traders exceeded three
hundred in number and lead formed a corral of their wagons for defense. But such
measures did not conceal the fact that it would be useless to resist a Mexican
army. Furthermore the patriotism of the American made no appeal to the foreign
traders when the governor of Chihuahua tossed in an apple of discord by
instructing merchants to dismiss American drivers in favor of Mexicans, with the
assurance that those who did so could bring in goods free of duty. Most of the
Mexican and English traders complied with the order, but the Americans remained
adamant. The situation was not helped any by the offer of the British agent in
Chihuahua to have the caravan proceed under his protection, a scheme particularly
appealing to the traders of that nationality. [8]
The arrival of Doniphan put an end to the arguments,
and the traders followed his troops into El Paso del Norte, taking advantage of
the occasion to make a few small sales. But military restrictions proved irksome,
some attempting to escape Doniphan's control and others getting into difficulties
with him over endeavors to communicate with Chihuahua. [9] Doniphan finally
decided to push on to that city, but rumors of superior Mexican forces caused him
to order the creation of a "Traders battalion" of two companies, to be commanded
by "Major" Samuel Owens, one of the two partners. [10] The procedure was very
unusual, to say the least. Doniphan was commanding only a volunteer regiment, and
without authority from the War Department lead converted a group of
ATHERTON: MEXICAN WAR AND SANTA FA TRADE 119
Santa Fé merchants into "soldiers." The Mexicans easily might have
seized them and their goods later on the clearly legal grounds that they were a
military expedition.
The general story of the battle of Sacramento,
fought on February 28, 1847, lies outside our present narrative. It is important
here because of the consequences far the firm of Owens and Aull. Few Americans
were killed in the battle, but Major Owens was among the casualties. There are
innumerable stories of how he met death. Doniphan save that he lost his life by
excessive rashness, riding up to a redoubt filled with armed men and continuing
to fire his pistols until both he and his horse fell under the return fire. [11]
James J. Webb was told by one of Owens' men that the major probably courted death
because of family troubles and had shaved and dressed in clean clothes just
before the battle. Webb also reports that only the horse was killed in the first
firing and that Owens was pinned beneath it. Thus the Mexicans were able to kill
Owens and strip him of his valuables. [12] William E. Connelley, cites the story
that he was killed by the spears of the Mexicans, and that his seeming rashness
is to be explained as the result of the machinations of a cabal which stopped the
general charge by the troops in order to give an officer named Reid the honor of
winning the battle. Still another account pictures the major as. charging with a
about of "Give it to them, boys! They can't withstand us," and falling two
minutes later with a grape shot through the forehead, and so close to the gun
that the fire burned his clothes. [13] Indeed, Samuel Owens died as many
different deaths as there are sources reporting on him. The funeral was in
harmony with the importance of the death of the major. Burial took place "with
great pomp" in Chihuahua after that city was occupied on March 1, 1847. A "coffin
with trimmings" was obtained, costing seventy dollars--only a little more
expensive than the bill for wax candles, an item which totaled sixty-five.
[14]
The burden of caring for the goods of the firm was
now left to James Aull. After Chihuahua was occupied the traders were free to
dispose of their goods, their objective when they left Independence ten long
months before. Danger had nut disappeared even yet, however, for if Doniphan
should depart the merchants would be at the mercy of the Mexicans. Consequently,
a petition was presented
120 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
to Doniphan asking him to make known his plans, a request he was unable to
answer until he received orders from his superior officers. This uncertainty
furthered the willingness of the merchants to sell at sacrifice prices on a
market which would have been sluggish, even in a normal year, as the result of
such heavy importations of goods. [15]
But James Aull was unwilling to be stampeded. For
several years in the 1830's he had undergone a yearly battle to get his goods
through from Philadelphia in time to serve the spring trade of four stores and in
spite of the primitive condition of transportation he had always succeeded.
Schooled to expect difficulties, he was unwilling to admit defeat. So he set to
work to sell the goods of Owens and Aull as fast as he could, but only at prices
that would pay dividends on the venture. Even the slow journey down had been
turned to profit, the account book of the firm containing numerous entries of
sale, made to the troops under whose protection Aull had traveled. On April 3,
1847, for example, he was able to send pay accounts of officers and drafts for
army supplies in excess of $15,000, to Rich and Pomeroy at Santa Fé, to be
forwarded to his brother Robert at Lexington. Some of the money came from acting
as middleman for the troops, his difficulties not preventing him from buying
provisions from the Mexicans and quoting pork and mutton to the army at
profitable figures. Nor were the profits to remain idle after they were delivered
in Lexington, for James instructed Robert to invest the proceeds in treasury
notes at five and six percent interest if they could be obtained at par. [16]
Thus dangers from a state of war had not deterred him from embracing the
opportunities created by the predicament in which he found himself.
Meanwhile the sale of goods continued. By taking a
note he was able to sell a load of goods to Santiago Ulivarri at St. Miguel for
$1,260. By the last of May his brother-in-law, E. W. Pomeroy, at Santa Fé,
was able to send $16,000 to Lexington, and at about the same time Owens' nephew,
Harrison, left for Independence with seventy-five mules, six wagons, and $1,250
in money. [17] Obviously the goods rapidly were being liquidated, but a second
major catastrophe was now to descend on the firm.
Doniphan had finally received orders from Gen.
Zachary Taylor to join him at Saltillo. What were the traders to do? If they
re
122 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
mained they would be without protection. If they accompanied the troops there
was small prospect of disposing of their goods. Doniphan attempted to help them
by the negotiation of a treaty with Governor Trias to provide for the neutrality
of Chihuahua, but his effort failed. On the twenty-fifth of April Doniphan
ordered the evacuation of the city, and by the twenty-eighth all had obeyed,
except a very few traders who were unwilling to sacrifice their goods. Among the
latter was James Aull. His friends in Santa Fé realized his precarious
position, and Pomeroy, in his letter of May 29, 1847, could give Robert little
assurance of his brother's safety. Persons of influence in Chihuahua had promised
protection, but were unwilling to answer for the mob. Misgivings must have filled
the minds of these merchants as they watched the scene which greeted their eyes
on the morning of April 28, 1847--"The army and a part of the traders were moving
off in the direction of Saltillo, while a bustling train of merchants were
hurrying out at the other end of the city in the direction of Santa Fé;
the skulky Mexican soldiers and lawless rabble rejoicing at our departure from
the capitol, and Mexican girls dressed as men accompanying their sweethearts on
the road to Saltillo," [18]
Shortly after Doniphan left the remaining traders
agreed to pay the legal rates of duty on the imported goods, in return for which
they were to receive protection. On the evening of June twenty-third, however,
while alone in his store, James was attacked by four Mexicans and fatally stabbed
in the back, and most of the available money and goods taken. [19] The act was
motivated solely by the hope of plunder, and the municipal authorities made what
recompense they could by apprehending the culprits and giving James a big
funeral. But the second of the two partners had now met his death, and the
property of the firm was in danger of being confiscated.
The Mexican authorities appointed a "depositary" for
the goods, and from June to August they were stored in two rooms for which the
heirs of the estate were charged twenty-five cents a day. The "depository," John
Mandri, proved himself to be a good bookkeeper.
He collected $4,323.19, from the sale of wagons and harness and
from debtors of the estate. His accounts show that he paid out
exactly the same amount for translating, customs, fines for illegal inclusion of
powder and whiskey in the goods, transportation, and
122 THE KANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
rent. [20] But this was at least better than the confiscation of all the goods, a
rumor which was current for a time.
On August 8, Pomeroy with several others left Santa
Fé for Chihuahua to settle the estate. Apache Indians had been terrorizing
the Mexicans along the route and Pomeroy's party was attacked but managed to
escape with the lass of only three mules and three hundred dollars worth of
provisions. Fortune continued with them, and they were able to obtain possession
of the goods about the middle of October. These proved to be principally lienzo,
a bleached goods for which there was little demand. The partners had originally
planned to sell these farther south, but, as there was now no hope of getting
permission to make the journey, two retail stores were opened in Chihuahua. [21]
By November 15 a third store was in operation and $9,000 worth of goods had been
sold.
A Doctor Connelley, who had engaged in ventures with
Owens in Chihuahua in 1843, was appointed legal representative for the estate
under a bond of over $150,000. Power of attorney had to be obtained if the estate
was to be kept out of the courts, and Pomeroy urged that a trip be made to
Pittsburg, Pa., from Lexington, Mo., to get the Mexican consul there to certify
the papers. The situation at Chihuahua was grave, and the difficulty of
communicating with the outside world is shown by the fact that copies of
Pomeroy's letter were sent out both by way of Santa Fé and Vera Cruz, in
the hope that at least one letter would get through. Pomeroy closed his urgent
request with the words, "Remember that we are in H-ll and wish to be transferred
to a better place." [22] In spite of the appeal for haste the papers were not
ready until March 4, 1848, at which time the required authorization was sent to
Chihuahua. [23]
The Mexicans had permitted the sale of the goods to
continue, however, and by January, 1848, the estate had been liquidated, with the
exception of forty bales of bleached cotton. Pomeroy estimated that there was
enough of this article in Chihuahua to supply the demand for two years. Otherwise
the goods sold at an excellent price. The cost of the original outfit had been
$70,000. Duties and expenses connected with the liquidation brought the total
invested to $100,000. Pomeroy had hoped to realize a net profit of $30,000
ATHERTON: MEXICAN WAR AND Santa Fé TRADE
123
from the expedition, but when the books were closed it was found that the
venture had barely cleared expenses. [24]
Owens and Aull had left Independence in 1846 with reasonable expectations of
disposing of their goods in six months at an excellent profit. Conditions created
by the war had lengthened the time to two years, taken the lives of the two men
and destroyed the prospects of a profit. Prompt action on the part of Santa
Fé friends of the men had prevented the last possible disaster, the
confiscation of the cargo.
Notes
1. "James and Robert Aull -- A Frontier Missouri Mercantile Firm," Lewis E.
Atherton, Missouri Historical review, v. XXX (1935), pp. 3-27.
2. Letter books, account books and invoice books for the firm of James and Robert
Aull are complete for the years 1831-1837. A gap exists in the record to the
letter book of Robert Aull, covering the period from November 20, 1847 to
November 15, 1851 -- Aull collection, Lexington, (Mo.) Historical Society
hereafter cited as L.B.V.
3. James Aull, "Letter Book," January 3, 1830 to February 14, 1833. Entry dated
November 3, 1832.
4. James J. Webb, Adventures in the Santa Fe Trade, 1844-1847 (Volume 1,
The Southwest Historical Series, ed. by Ralph P. Bieber, Glendale,
California, 1931.), pp. 42 and 274. Webb Mentions the fact that Owens
occasionally sent goods on his own, but gives no estimate of the extent of this
business.
5. This man was James T. Webb, Adventures in the Santa Fé Trade,
844-1847, pp. 180, 262-264.
6. "Report of Committee on Claims," House Reports, 30 Cong., 1 sess., No.
458, pp. 1-2.
7. Ibid., pp. 2-3.
9. Hughes. "Diary." January 2, February 4, 1847.
10. "Report Of Committee On Claims," p. 4. The order was issued, February 9,
1847.
11. Daily Missouri Republican, St Louis June 11, 1847.
12. Webb, pp. 274-275.
15. Doniphan's Expedition, pp. 453-455, 465-466.
16. "D.B.I."
17 . E. W. Pomeroy to Robert Aull, May 29, 1847, Aull MSS.
18. John T. Hughes in the Liberty (Mo.) Weekly Tribune, July 3, 1847.
19. Hughes, Doniphan's Expedition, p. 477.
20. "D.B.I."
21. Joseph P. Hamelin to Robert Aull October 31, 1847, Aull MSS. Hamelin was a
clerk for James Aull.
22. E. W. Pomeroy to Robert Aull, November 2, 1847, Aull MSS.
23. Robert Aull to John Potter March 4, 1848, "L.R.V."
24. Robert Aull to Siter, Price & Company July 11, 1848, ibid.
|